One of the common contracts in the Islamic banking system is the civil partnership contract adopted from Voluntary trade partnership in Imamiah jurisprudence. According to Article 7 of civil partnership contract, taken from their participation in the Central Bank’ s Civil partnership model, that was approved in 2013, the responsibility for managing the company's affairs is voluntarily (gratuitously) on the partner under the supervision of the bank and based on the agreed upon documents. As in Voluntary trade partnership (properties partnership) and consequently, in the civil participation contract, the agent is entitled to be paid, gratuitousness of the bank partner agency in the civil partnership contract will question its legitimacy. Therefore, the investigation of the authenticity and legitimacy of such a condition of the above mentioned contract is of paramount importance. In the present research, which was conducted using descriptive analytical method, it was found that the gratuitous contract is contrary to the Islamic law and the nature of the contract. As a result, it is void and will turn the nature of the civil contract into a prohibited loan based on the religious norms.

The political upheaval known as the Islamic Awakening, which has gripped the Arab Middle East since 2011, in one case led to the overthrow of the ruling regime in Libya through Western military intervention. The military intervention came as Gaddafi's foreign policy shifted from an anti-Western orientation to Voluntary engagement with the West, and relations seemingly normalized. But despite these changes, the onset of the internal Libyan crisis led to a practical and immediate response by the Western coalition aimed at overthrowing Gaddafi. This study, while theoretically studying Libyan foreign policy in the framework of James Rosena's theory and using a descriptive-explanatory method, seeks to answer the main question of why Gaddafi pursued an interactive and participatory foreign policy with the West in the last decade of his rule. But after the beginning of the popular uprising, the Western countries in the form of NATO began to intervene militarily in this country? The main hypothesis is that despite pursuing a policy of interaction with the West; Lack of trust between the parties and the lack of social, economic and political reforms and the continuation of internal discontent led the Western countries to support the fall of Gaddafi as the crisis in Libya began.

Improving participation in Voluntary activities in Iran is important because increasing productivity among young people, given the country's young population, contributes to community sustainability. Therefore, a better understanding of volunteer motivation in Iranian youth is needed. The Volunteer Functions Inventory (VFI) for assessing volunteer motivations has good psychometric properties and is adapted to several languages, but no validated Iranian translation yet exists. The purpose of this study was to investigate the psychometric Characteristics of Voluntary functions inventory in members of Iranian Red Crescent Society. Sample size was 595 members of Youth Organization of Iranian Red Crescent Society from 31 provinces and 175 cities of Iran that were selected by multi-stage cluster sampling method and responded to Voluntary functions inventory. Data were collected using a demographic sample and Voluntary functions inventory (VFI). Confirmatory factor analysis using principal components method was used for data analysis. The results of the present study showed that the Voluntary functions inventory had validity and reliability. Also, the factor structure showed that 29 items and 6 factors well assess people's attitudes to volunteering, and the structure of this inventory was well-fitted and confirmed all goodness of fit models. The present study provides the use of the Iranian translation of the Voluntary Functions Inventory (6 scales and 29 items) to assess volunteer motivation among young Iranian volunteers.

Always there has been this question in the minds of experts that whether the partnership securities (ourä ghe moshä rekat) have been able to substitute debentures in the market properly? Present legal analysis shows that partnership securities as a substitution for debentures are needed for the market. But despite fundamental differences between stocks and debentures, partnership securities are a compound of stocks and debentures. They have both the advantages of stocks and debentures without getting suffered from disadvantages of each of them. In addition, legal questions on management of the subject project of these securities as well as responsibility out of these securities for its holder has not been considered by the legislature. The mechanism considered for partnership securities although approved from the Islamic jurisprudential (fiqhi) view contains faults from the legal economy view. Therefore, such securities practically in the market, within the private sector, have not been acceptable so have not been accepted or used. As a result, partnership securities could not substitute debentures perfectly.

In recent decades Sino-Afghan relations have been based on Beijing's approach to regional and international developments. The elimination of American troops from Afghanistan and the seizure of Kabul by the Taliban changed China's approach to Afghanistan from different perspectives. The US withdrawal will change the balance of power in Afghanistan and its environs. China's approach to Afghanistan has always been based on security considerations, and now economic considerations have been added to it. China's economic project in Pakistan and Central Asia, along with fears of links between extremist groups in Afghanistan and neighboring Uighurs, is one of China's top security concerns. The Taliban's presence in power and the US withdrawal from Afghanistan have changed the pattern of relations from expected indifference to strategic partnership. Components such as environmental uncertainty and strategic compliance paved the way for China to adopt this model. In this context, the present study will examine why China's approach to Afghanistan changes from expected indifference to strategic partnership and will try to provide a clear picture of developments by mentioning China's role in Afghanistan.Examining China-Afghanistan relations in the past decades proves that China's distance and proximity to Afghanistan depended on China's internal restrictions, regional and international developments, China's competition with other actors and dealing with extremist threats. In this regard, we can mention China's secret assistance to arm the Mujahedeen in 1980 during the seizure of Afghanistan by the Soviet forces . Therefore, the statement of relations based on the assessment of the needs of two actors has no place for Arabs here. The official relations between China and Afghanistan began in the 1950s with the recognition of China by Afghanistan. China's approach to Afghanistan has always been economic with an emphasis on security considerations. In the past decades, security considerations have always been the first priority in the eyes of the Chinese authorities towards Afghanistan, which include the seizure of Afghanistan by the Soviet Union, the civil war in Afghanistan, the dominance of the Taliban and finally the presence of American forces. As a great power that is consolidating its hegemony in its surrounding environment, China definitely evaluates every impulse and the presence of competing actors in the region from the perspective of its competition with that actor. The presence of the Soviet Union and the United States in Afghanistan in the past decades can be examined from this point of view.In this regard, we can mention China's cooperation and lack of cooperation with the United States in Afghanistan. In the 1980s and with the attack of the Soviet forces on Afghanistan, China stood by the United States and against the Soviet Union, and after the attack of the Western coalition led by the United States on Afghanistan in September 2001, it refused military and security cooperation with these forces and distanced itself from the efforts of foreign actors presented in Afghanistan. For political reconciliation and reconstruction, Afghanistan kept as far away as possible and avoided accepting the title of the West's partner in the reconstruction of Afghanistan (Huasheng, 2012), while the coalition forces were fighting the Taliban threatening China's strategic interests, Beijing exploration projects  began monitoring Afghanistan's underground resources, and this action faced serious criticism from the United States and even Russia .The withdrawal of American forces from Afghanistan has serious consequences on regional equations in South and Central Asia; Therefore, all regional actors are trying to closely monitor the developments and present multiple scenarios to minimize possible security and political costs. Any change in the arrangement of forces in Afghanistan definitely affects the current and future interests and goals of regional actors. China, as a neighboring country of Afghanistan and one of the most important players in the economic war with America, is definitely closely monitoring the developments in Afghanistan. From China's point of view, everything that provides the ground for terrorism and international extremism on the edge of its territorial borders and around its economic super project will be specially monitored. From this point of view, the developments in Afghanistan have both components.Despite Beijing's previous approaches to the developments in Afghanistan, the withdrawal of American forces from this country has caused China to worry due to the change in the nature of threats. Since 2016, with increasing speculations about the withdrawal of American forces from Afghanistan and the creation of a security evacuation in this country, Beijing, like other neighboring countries of Afghanistan, initiated the project of securing its border lines with Afghanistan . China has detailed plans for Afghanistan without foreign military forces for several reasons: 1. Afghanistan is one of the focal points in the One Belt One Road project; 2. There are religious extremists on both sides of the border lines between Afghanistan and China, and China is worried about the connection between the Uyghurs with ISIS and the Taliban in Afghanistan; 3. To expand its political influence in the region, China should expand its influence to the remaining regions such as Afghanistan and advance its security and political goals through an economic lens; 4. Beijing expects American material and moral support for Chinese Muslim protesters in the west of this country, and from this point of view, the withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan despite the ongoing crisis in this country has aroused China's suspicion.As mentioned, China, as one of Afghanistan's neighboring countries, has chosen a "wait and wait" approach to Afghanistan's developments in the last twenty years; But since 2016, with the withdrawal of American forces, China has changed its policy of conscious and considered indifference towards Afghanistan and put a cooperative and step-by-step approach on the agenda. Strategic partnership is a new model of relations between governments that has entered international relations literature from the beginning of the 21st century. Based on the changing pattern of China's cooperation with Afghanistan, the current research tries to present a picture of the actions of foreign actors in the neighboring environment of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in order to provide the basis for other researches in this field. Therefore, in this research, by introducing the model of strategic partnership and explaining it, it will deal with the application of two economic and political components separately on the two variables of China's attitude and actions towards Afghanistan, and finally, the conclusion section and providing strategic recommendations for Iranian policy makers.

Aim: Investigating the relationship between land surface temperature and urban land uses can be used for urban management. However, one of the main problems in this field is the low spatial resolution of thermal images. This research aims to evaluate and select the best existing algorithm for achieving a high spatial resolution of thermal images to investigate and analyze changes in land surface temperature in Region 4 of Ahvaz. Material & method: For this purpose, the split window algorithm was used as one of the most common suitable algorithms to calculate land surface temperature, and SFIM and T sharp Distrade algorithms in urban areas were applied to improve spatial resolution. Finding: Results show that the spatial resolution of the output image obtained by Split Window, T Sharp Distrade, and SFIM algorithms is 30, 100, and 45 meters, respectively. The T Sharp Distrade algorithm presented the output images with very good resolution so that different land uses could be separated according to their surface temperature. Split Window and SFIM algorithms did not provide acceptable results in land use evaluation. Also, the average land surface temperature values obtained from T Sharp Distrade, Split Window algorithm, and SFIM are equal to 17.5, 23.5, and 28.25 degrees Celsius, respectively. This temperature difference of these algorithms is due to utilizing the fusion process. Conclusion: As a result, T Sharp Distrade algorithm was more effective in improving the spatial resolution of thermal images. Innovation: Innovations of this research are: - simultaneous use of three mentioned algorithms for increasing spatial resolution of thermal images and discovering the best algorithm in this field, which has not been investigated in previous research, - improving spatial resolution of thermal images for evaluating urban land uses by using T Sharp Distrade algorithm, and detail investigation of surface temperature changes.

Prospective studies of the potential health consequences of trade and investment treaties, such as the Trans-Pacific partnership, are critical. These studies can make visible to trade policy-makers the potential negative impacts associated to such treaties and can influence the outcomes of such negotiations. However, few researchers have examined retrospectively the consequences of trade agreements. With more than 400 trade agreements and more than 2000 investment treaties currently in force, researchers have a large corpus of agreements to analyse in order to assess not only their potential impacts on health system and population health, but also their actual impacts. This comment suggests some research questions that would benefit from retrospective inquiry.

There are few documents written in Elamite language from the Old Elamite Period. Nevertheless, there are some 600 hundred legal documents from Susa of the Sukkalmah Period that provide us with direct evidence of Old Elamite social, economic and legal life. The present essay will study two contracts regarding commercial transaction in Old Elamite Susa; special attention is given to the form and content of these documents. A comparison with the nearly contemporary Laws of Hammurabi opens new perspective for comparative study and raises new questions regarding the cultural contact and shared common law between Elam and Mesopotamia. The cuneiform documents show the concern of the creditor who wants to save himself from all the risks involved in a commercial journey by putting the whole responsibly on the traveling merchant. The laws of Hammurabi, however, rule that in the case of enemy attack, i. e., force majeure, the traveling merchant is not to be held responsible. The documents furthermore, shed light on the economic role of the temples.